Cape Verdean Immigrants in America: The Socialization of Young Men in an Urban Environment


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Its consequences, however, were not limited to peripheral areas or to immigrant populations, and a response was sought through the institutionalization of the processes of the re valuation of social bonds through public policies for conflict resolution, school integration, or reintegration of families, remodelling of public spaces such as squares, and so forth.

This conception of the street contrasts with the street in the host city, because while the first was an extension of the home, the second is a strange place to be explored and known, but always with care, since over-exposure can be inconvenient. In an interesting study of exterior spaces and immigrants in Portugal, Oliveira refers to Brazilians in the following way:. For most of the participants of the three nationalities, a large part of their childhood was spent in exterior spaces, the "street" being the space par excellence … Contact with nature constitutes another childhood memory loaded with meaning, recalling contact with animals, fruit trees, flowers and the feeling of liberty.

Brazilian participants referred to "the forest," "the ranch," "the waterfall," "the rivers" as exterior spaces free for childish play. As is to be expected, for nationalities whose country of origin has a long tradition of using coastal areas, as is the case for Cape-Verdeans and Brazilians, "the beach" has revealed itself to be an exterior space of great importance. It should be stressed that, for Brazilians, "the beach" was not mentioned in relation to memories of childhood, occupying, instead, an important place in their adult preferences.

In contrast, some of the Brazilian participants who lived in non-coastal zones mentioned "waterfalls" and "lakes" as areas of leisure. In attempting to reconstitute a daily life that presents significant elements of their former lives — that is, of their lives in their country of origin — some of the immigrant forms of sociability create situations of conflict or of potential conflict.

This is the case with parties, with the volume of music or with large events and activities in public spaces such as sidewalks or parks. Many of the conflicts concern residential spaces and the uses of the street, such as, for example, barbecues on the sidewalk. Residential spaces are, for the most part, small and or shared by friends, family or even immigrants who meet in the host country, and do not have a yard.

The street is thus used as an extension of the private space of the home, and the "party" or meal is transferred to the public space. Yet, in the integration process, new habits are incorporated and even speech mannerisms can be altered and used as a strategy for conviviality Machado I also discovered this thing of reading in the belvedere, because I also found very strange this thing of ordering a coffee and staying I don't know for how long sitting there… This isn't done in Brazil, right?

Because you're occupying the table. After I discovered this I could do it without being embarrassed… I just stay there slowly. My God!! For me this is treatment, it's a therapy. I like it! Brazilian immigrants do not restrict their contacts only to people of their own nationality. Contact with other immigrants is also important, mainly in the workplace, as is, of course, contact with the Portuguese.

But what seems to predominate is an interest in maintaining their identity, their "Brazilian-ness," which involves attending places where Brazilian food can be consumed, Brazilian foodstuffs can be bought, Brazilian music can be heard, etc. Markets that sell Brazilian products whose owners may or may not be Brazilian are also converted into places of sociability. Going regularly to these markets to buy products that are not found elsewhere results in new friendships, puts people into contact with one another, and even enables sporadic conversations that always mention longing for Brazil and, above all, for the state or city of origin.

Bars and restaurants that serve Brazilian dishes are a meeting point, mainly for the young. It is common for Brazilians who live in different countries to meet at certain times of the year. These cases concern people who migrated together but who, for some reason, had to embark on a further migratory process, such as, for example, a Brazilian couple who currently live in Holland but who first migrated to London with other Brazilians. The latter then migrated to Portugal while the couple went to Amsterdam.

These young people take the summer off to meet in the Algarve region or in Lisbon, thus maintaining ties of friendship. It is evident that in Lisbon people occupy and make full use of the street next to their private residences. The street is the most immediate spatial link with the public domain and, in fact, it allows for temporary creative extensions of the private, domestic space, acting as a stage for expressions of group identities, particularly through cultural means.

People perceive and resist the usurpation of their fundamental liberties in using the street in this way. When people are barred from the street, they end up creating it. Sieber Streets also take on other dimensions. As well as being spaces of sociability, extensions of the home, "places of memory," they are also important political spaces. In the current situation, in which many Brazilians are in an illegal situation and the stigmatization of immigrants in general is widespread, associations and entities linked to immigrants are often their only source of support, and have steadily gained attention in the media and through public demonstrations in the city.

Cultural mediation and politics in the Lisbon scene. Immigrant associations have existed in Portugal since at least the s, even before their official recognition. Prior to this date, the associations functioned informally, welcoming new arrivals and assisting with housing and other necessities without any official support from government. The increase in immigration in the s and the official measures for assisting immigrants in the s also led to a proliferation of associations, which numbered only 10 in and increased to 78 in Of these, only the Casa do Brasil is exclusively concerned with Brazilian immigration Albuquerque, Ferreira and Viegas In this context, the associations are not only a place of sociability and conviviality among Brazilians, nor do they only serve to maintain national identities; they are instead fundamental actors in the current political process, delineating new paths for the relations between immigrants and nationals.


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Whether acting as a legitimate channel for dialog with the government or as mediators in crisis situations and those in which human rights are violated, the associations and organizations that protect immigrants have carved their role into an arena of greater visibility. There are many immigrant associations in Portugal. Some of them have acted for decades, and their work has received local and national attention.

Brazilian immigrants participate both in immigrant associations directly concerned with Brazilian immigration and in entities that help immigrants of all origins, such as Solidariedade Imigrante, SOS Racismo and so forth. These entities and organizations, based in Lisbon, assist immigrants without regard to specific ethnic or national identities.

In Portugal, the Casa do Brasil CBL has emerged as one of the main associations, perhaps the best organized and most influential association for Brazilians 8. The Casa was founded in January by a group of Brazilian and Portuguese friends. It was initially a space where people could meet, interact, share their problems and seek solutions, and also discuss politics, a legacy of the political activism of its founding members. As with the vast majority of the associations, before being formalized, it existed as an informal and spontaneous organization, as a place where certain native practices could be reinforced in an attempt to create a feeling of belonging for people who had become deterritorialized.

If sociability and a less politically engaged type of solidarity were the original motivation, and if, according to one of its presidents, "the Casa was not at first geared towards political action in favour of the immigrant due to the less significant presence of Brazilians at that time," and was more concerned with "cultural matters," it later became one of the main political actors in regard to Brazilians in Portugal. According to one of the former directors of the CBL, when the association was created, it occupied only one of the rooms in the address where the association functioned until August , thanks to personal contacts and friendship with people of the Abril group, a group of Portuguese political activists who rented the whole floor.

The association has a busy agenda during the week, with activities ranging from work groups, a data bank of employees within the UNIVA Network, managed by ACIDI , film and documentary screenings, as well as more specific issues. They also offer days for music and dance classes. But there are also conflicts, since the building from which the CBL operates has other occupants. The association acts as a meeting place for Brazilians and their friends, although less than it did in the s.

It never came to be a "Brazilian territory" in the city, perhaps because of the large circulation of foreigners in the region in which it is situated, and also due to the fact that it marks a certain fluidity in the relations and interactions of Brazilians in various parts of Lisbon. The Casa do Brasil seems to concentrate a sociability that is much more limited to its members and a more or less fluctuating number of acquaintances and curious people.

It is not a place for Brazilian bohemianism, perhaps because this is not what it set out to be, but it has established a role for itself when the issue of Brazilian immigration comes to the fore. It is through the political actions of the CBL and the creation of a system of visibility that the street becomes a "special place.

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The street emerges as an emblem for the political activity of immigrants, illegal or otherwise. We cannot, however, refrain from noting the differences implied in these two situations. The vulnerability of the immigrant is stressed at demonstrations or the occupation of public spaces geared towards political ends, since police presence is a very real possibility and illegal immigrants, therefore, perceive themselves to be at risk. The statement of a member and director of an association makes this clear:. People thought they could be arrested if they went to the demonstration [referring to the demonstration against the Diretiva do Retorno], which is why we do not have all that many Brazilians here today.

I was able to follow some of these protests during , as well as street activities of the associations, particularly the CBL. In this way, some metro stations and bus stops were chosen at the expense of others, since those involved had a clear notion of the public that passes through these places and their possible or purported receptivity.

Another fact worthy of note is that this "knowledge" of the streets and their public is also taken into account when considering the time of the activity and what to do. In some places, music can be played and small skits enacted, while at others this would be frowned upon or, perhaps, generate conflict. In this way, the members of the association and the people they were able to mobilize promoted a sort of mediation, simultaneously cultural and political, since they implied cultural mannerisms and practices as much as organized political actions.

Migratory experience involves transnational displacements and insertion in another territory: the host country, the chosen city, the neighbourhood. The distribution of immigrants through urban spaces therefore corresponds both to ties that predate their arrival acquaintances that already reside in the host country, legal or illegal employment networks, networks of solidarity and aid to immigrants, etc. Adaptation to the new urban dynamic is not always easy, not only because of the cultural differences between Brazil and Portugal, but also because individuals must deal with the variety of local codes and specificities found in their cities of origin and destination.

In their daily affairs, Brazilian immigrants in Portugal create means for maintaining ties to their place of origin and to Brazil; ranging from phone calls to family members who have remained in Brazil, letters, postcards, e-mails and money transfers to the constitution of networks of solidarity and integration that are more or less formal and more or less legal.

The experience of displacement to another nation does not erase the indexes of prior belonging and often marks limits to interactions in the new place. This belonging is reallocated in the new national context through the adoption of more or less specific marks, such as the ostentation of ethnic and national symbols, clothing, commemoration of important dates from the country of origin, the simple fact of serving a "typical" meal to a guest, or the creation of associations as a process of making the unfamiliar familiar not only space, but culture as well.

Associations are thus spaces for sociability, and they play an important part in spreading cultural elements. Gadea Montesinos and Coral , highlighting the associative strategies of Ecuadorians in the Murcia region of Spain, offer data that corroborate our argument. Associations also establish spaces for the re-creation of identity, which the members of the group and those outside it can define as religious, national, ethnic or cultural.

More than identities are expressed within these entities, but identities as a process of social construction, the associations generate new spaces; the associations generate new spaces by negotiating and articulating the meanings of the identities in the migratory context. Music, dance, food, clothing, religious practices and language are thus converted into new or renovated references of identification, into forms of expression of a community that is not just imagined p.

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In relation to Brazilians in Portugal, the CBL strengthens elements that are traditionally emphasized as markers of "Brazilian-ness," of the Brazilian identity 12 , such as music, which is one of the more common expressive forms of this presentation and interaction, as well as dance, capoeira, food, all of which nonetheless occasionally corroborate to an "exoticisation" of Brazilians Machado In the interplay of stereotypes, the manipulation of identities is not conscious, or at least not always.

Not every Brazilian loves barbecues or is a samba musician, but in their initial relations with other inhabitants of the city, a pool of elements elected as being representative of Brazilian-ness is repeatedly affirmed, remembered and presented. The associations are also agents in this process. Olive oil. International brands like Nestle, own national brands with which we have a longstanding familiarity.

Wheat and corn flours. The two better-known breakfast oats for children.


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Petiscos including cold meats and seasoned olives. This includes the storage of things and the body, but can also be the storage of memories, of challenges. As the title of the blog gives away, I am referring to houses and housing. In terms of statistics, Greater Lisbon boasts the following figures about mobility within the city Portuguese Census, As is evident, the bulk of the population has been recorded as living in Greater Lisbon and interestingly disproportionately on the main island of Madeira too.

When first looking into the daily life in Lisbon on my arrival in the city, I learnt of the stress on housing caused by over-tourism, the financial crisis, and a lack of public investment in housing. Housing inequality was and is rife in Lisbon. In an earlier blog , I spoke about this status of Lisbon as a tourist destination and some of the reasons as well as concerns regarding the same. It is often found that these sections of society feed the city in terms of being the labour that is unseen, or are unemployed, having been pushed to the fringes of the city.

I must flag here that such housing is inhabited by migrants internal and external and Lisboetas Lisboners alike as also seen in the maps above. One such description provided by Expatica www. The description and image are telling of the type of migrants intended for the regions. The website goes on to list neighbourhoods they suggest expats could live.

The text is quoted below:. In addition, when suggesting where to stay , they list areas along the linha the train line along the coast of the River Tejo specifically Cascais, Birre and Sintra. These neighbourhoods too are rather wealthy historically and currently. While I am not arguing that suggested areas for living be primarily deprived neighbourhoods, I do wish to highlight this disparity that may be reinforced by such communication, sidelining certain types of migrants through virtue-signalling.

Three owned their house all outside of Lisbon municipality while two were renting one within and one outside of the Lisbon municipality. This has a deep impact on how the city is experienced by them as a different class-group of migrants. It makes for an interesting understanding of goods and services and resources to which they have access, and how they structure their lives as migrants. As I undertake the ethnographic fieldwork in Sydney as part of this research project, after reading some books, articles, visiting some museums and exploring the city I want to share my impressions and learnings with you.

In the British government cast its eyes southward to New South Wales with the intention of relieving its overcrowded jails and establishing a strategic presence in the southern hemisphere. In May , under the competent command of Captain Arthur Philip, the First Fleet of 11 ships carrying over convicts and over officers, marines and seamen set sail from England.

The fleet anchored in Sydney Cove on 26 January and Phillip founded a penal settlement on the banks of the Tank Stream. Government House, the first substantial building in the colony was the focus of social and political power from to View of Sydney, c. In search of more fertile land, the settlement soon spread inland to Parramatta, where a town was laid out in Settlers also took up land near Bankstown and at Ryde, and along the rich alluvial plains of the Hawkesbury and Nepean rivers.

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The European invasion of Australia had a devastating effect on the Indigenous people. As the settlement grew, their traditional food sources declined and European diseases brought dramatic loss of life. The conflict quickly followed, despite resistance by Aboriginal warriors. Map of Sydney, 16 April ; Source: Unkown.

He began a major building program and established a substantial road system, with convict Francis Greenway as his favoured architect. By the time Macquarie left the colony in February , Sydney had grown in size and sophistication from a penal settlement to a major trading port. It boasted a range of small businesses, a newspaper, a bank, a hospital, and lunatic and benevolent asylums.

The census of , which did not include Indigenous people, recorded a population of 10 Free immigrants, who had tricked into the colony from as early as , comprised 13 percent of the non- Indigenous population. Sealing and whaling provided most exports from the early colony. The wool industry soon eclipsed both, faltering only during the depression of the s. Agriculture and mineral exports expanded while most imports came from other parts of the British Empire. Port facilities reminded concentrated around Circular Quay until the boom years of the s and the development of huge wool stores at Darling Harbour.

The outbreak of bubonic plague in and a continuing death toll from typhoid led to a huge government clean-up of The Rocks and the building of new wharves from Woolloomooloo to Pyrmont. The Walsh Bay finger wharves, built between and the s after the plague clean-up, were also monuments to a new age. Sydney grew rapidly after the discovery of gold near Bathurst in Migrants poured into New South Wales from Britain and Ireland, lured by the promise of cheap land and agriculture opportunities. The inner southern and western suburbs were soon dotted with tanneries, breweries, bakehouses, clothing and boot factories, and a huge abattoir at Glebe Island.

Gas gradually replaced coal and wood-fires stoves and also lit the city until the coming of electricity in the early s. Sydney had all the necessities of a growing city, thousands of kilometers from the great imperial ports of Britain, Europe, Asia, and the United States. Founded in , Luanda is the most populated province in the country. They employ about The historical, political, economic and social impact of colonialism and the long periods of armed violence experienced in Angola — during the war for independence, under the process of decolonization and the civil war that broke out after independence — created organizational and developmental particularities in Angolan society, influencing group relations and individual attitudes.

Luanda is not only the capital of Angola but also a city constituted by a series of contrasts and realities, within which the structure of relations, networks and exchanges are shaped by the coexistence of distinct social conditions and multiple asymmetries and lifestyles. With population growth and the effects of a prolonged war, several neighborhoods were expanded towards the periphery of Luanda.

These poor neighborhoods differ distinctly from the musseques of colonial times based on the forms of occupation of the spaces and the materials used for construction especially cement. The stories in these neighborhoods do not describe only lifestyles of poverty, misery and improvisation Carvalho , unemployment and school failure of an undifferentiated, proletarian and low-income population Monteiro Contrary to the characterization of Monteiro , we find different groups in the so-called musseques.

They are differentiated by countries of origin and distinct migratory trajectories, including by their origin in the different regions of the country, the time of arrival in Luanda, coming from both urban centers and rural areas, the ethnic composition and internal diversity of the groups themselves, different religious communities of belonging, and other different networks. The distribution and spatial concentrations within the neighborhoods show distinct forms of occupation: one area may be dominated by a particular ethnic group, another may have a more diverse population, others still would have new arrivals, and some parts may be more impoverished, and so on.

In a civil society which lacks local management able to provide basic means of social organization housing, employment, etc. Areas with high pedestrian movement, markets and sales outlets are significant social microcosms, not independent realities, of the organizational processes of any peripheral neighborhood or specific zone. Many Angolans practice their main economic activity there, thus guaranteeing family subsistence. For many Angolan families, economic management is through buying usually small quantities due to lack of capital and selling whilst functioning under an unstable economic structure that is unable to support capital investment for medium or long-term bases.

In many families, it is mainly women who play a central role in raising economic means of family subsistence. They sell in the larger markets or use these to buy the products they sell door-to-door, in the surrounding neighborhoods, in the smaller markets or as zungueiras at outlets or around the city. The small profit from the daily sale of the retail products guarantees their daily sustenance.

The informal market is not the only structural problem in the city of Luanda. Decades of armed conflict, the sharp population increase, lack of an urban program of conservation, construction, alteration, recovery and expansion of the city streets, sanitation, buildings, etc. In response to urban criminality and juvenile delinquency, two salient realities in the recent post-war context guards armed with Kalashnikovs are often stationed at various commercial spaces, companies, banks, properties, etc.

Many private car and motorcycles owners [12] also carry passengers, in addition to the recent, oversized and overly expensive for ordinary citizens formal taxis network. Marked by urbanization patterns of colonial times and Marxist housing policies of the s and s, Luanda is now a city under construction and in transformation. Urban planning is in open confrontation with real estate development, with accelerated growth. It is the real estate explosion modern buildings, luxury hotels, head office, restaurants, leisure spaces, etc. On the one hand, the musseques and enormous precariousness, on the other, luxury condominiums, expensive houses and the Belas shopping Center [13].

Around Luanda, there are several cities and municipalities Quilamba, Zango, Viana, Belas, Cacuaco destined for an emerging middle class, built by Chinese, Portuguese, Brazilian and Angolan companies. New centralities as they call it. Providing various types of services schools, nurseries, supermarkets, pharmacies, etc. Similarly, noble areas of the city are being recovered. Along with real estate development and accelerated construction, schools and hospitals have also been built.

However, there are still teachers and doctors missing. In some municipalities, it is difficult to find suitable schools and stable teaching staff. Public health presents many failures despite the strengthening of these professionals through agreements with Cuba, South Korea and Vietnam, as well as the private sector, in this case, at very high prices.

The differential coexistence of distinct social conditions and multiple asymmetries and lifestyles still stands out through forms of conviviality and consumption such as imported luxury cars, branded luxury stores, leisure in fashionable restaurants and bars of Luanda Island, escapes to Mussulo Island, Cabo Ledo or Sangano, etc. That includes not only the elite and middle-class Angolan, wealthy or emerging but also members of diplomatic corps and several expatriates, including Portuguese. They sell different products: fruit, fresh fish, dried fish, jinguba peanut , homemade yogurt, cooked meals or meals cooked at the point of sale, industrialized products, cards with balance for mobile phone, etc.

Last weekend I attended the baby shower of one of our participating families in Berlin. There, I learned that the following weekend there would be a Portuguese party at Monbijou Park in central Berlin. No more information was given to me at the time, but a quick google search guided me to the facebook event. The event was in effect a sardinhada sardine barbecue , which is a very seasonal event particular to this time of the year. A view of the picnic at Monbijou park, with the grilling station at the back.

For one thing, there was no loud music. Barbecues are permitted in most parks in Berlin, with special signs indicating the areas where they are permitted.

Staying with the tension: “estranged intimacy” and gendered expectations in the field

This is one of the many uses of parks amongst Berliners. Other uses include sunbathing often in swimwear , sitting on their own folding chairs and having drinks, hanging their own hammocks in trees, play ball games, etc. There are people of all ages. I enter the line to buy food. Behind me, two middle-aged women speak Brazilian Portuguese, ahead of me in line, two women in their 20s use youtube on their smartphones to show an English speaking friend, what pimba music sounds like. Sardines and German sausages. Portuguese rock salt. Other important Rejected asylum seekers often resist the legal obligation to return.

Such programmes are described as less politically costly, more Throughout the Considerations about return are a persistent dimension of identity work in migrant populations. Somali women are often perceived as a homogenous social group perpetually living in destitution as victims of mutilation, sexual exploitation, famine, and war. Whilst we must not ignore atrocities committed against them, it is important to demonstrate that Somali women are not passive victims, and to not disregard a history A record number of refugees have arrived by boat in southern Europe this summer.

Norway should voice its support for a common European solution to the issue of boat migrants crossing the Mediterranean. Last year this would have been front-page news, but now each new arrival — or each refugee The population of the Philippines is surpassing million in late July Emigration generally has the strongest impacts in countries with relatively small populations, such as El Salvador, Armenia and Samoa. In fact, as the scatterplot shows, only five Eid marks the end of Ramadan, the month of fasting.

After the Eid prayer, families and friends gather to celebrate. This is a time for dressing in fine clothing, eating Ramadan, the ninth month of the Islamic calendar, has just started. A time of fasting for devout Muslims, this is also the time of year when most Muslims pay their annual zakat. The main purpose of migration policy is to affect migration flows.

BON VIDA: A Cape Verdean American Dream

Sometimes, however, policies have other, unintended effects. Such consequences are easily overlooked in policy evaluations, which usually focus on the effectiveness of a given policy in terms of its intended aim. The field of education has been at the forefront of social policy concerns for at least three decades in the UK. The debate around integration and education revolves mainly around two aspects: the ability of migrants to integrate, depending on their level of education; and the challenges brought by migrants On July 22nd , I was home from work when I heard a loud blast.

It sounded like thunder. Strange that I had not seen any lightning, with a sound this loud, I thought before carrying on with household chores. Half an hour later I took a break, logging onto If you look at the return programs organized by European governments usually in partnership with the IOM you will notice that return and reintegration are often mentioned together, as if they always coincide. However, reintegration however it is defined does not automatically follow return. Instead we defined it based on temporal dimensions, by interviewing people who had either come to Norway during their childhood, before turning 14, or recently, in the past years.

This was, For a society such as the Norwegian one, public trust in the state is a cornerstone. But what happens when that trust is lacking? Members Coordinator. Upcoming Events Wed, 25 Sep Solidarity and membership in Scandinavia today Wed, 25 Sep Governing and experiencing citizenship in Multicultural Scandinavia Tue, 24 Sep Does citizenship matter? Or perhaps not? Tue, 29 Oct What lies behind the fantasy of return migration?

Thu, 05 Sep Diasporas and Development: A marriage of convenience or true love? Thu, 28 Feb Who Wants to go to Europe? Tue, 25 Sep Opportunities and risk: enacting socio-cultural transformation in refugee camps in Uganda 04 - 05 Sep Return Migration and Transnationalism: Alternatives or Complements? Oslo: PRIO.

Erdal, Marta Bivand Negotiation dynamics and their limits: Young people in Norway deal with diversity in the nation , Political Geography DOI: Talleraas, Cathrine Who are the transnationals? Horst, Cindy Forced migration: morality and politics , Ethnic and Racial Studies 41 3 : — Collins Aspiration, desire and drivers of migration , Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies 44 6 : — Horst, Cindy Making a difference in Mogadishu?

Experiences of multi-sited embeddedness among diaspora youth , Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies 44 8 : — Jumbert, Maria Gabrielsen Control or rescue at sea? Aims and limits of border surveillance technologies in the Mediterranean Sea , Disasters. Talleraas, Cathrine Reconciling transnational mobility and national social security: what say the welfare state bureaucrats?

The discursive and analytical significance of describing migration as forced and voluntary , Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies. Accommodating unity in diversity in post-terror Norway , Ethnicities. Paasche, Erlend The role of corruption in reintegration: experiences of Iraqi Kurds upon return from Europe , Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies 42 7 : — Temporal dimensions in migrants' reflections about settlement and return , Ethnic and Racial Studies 38 7 : — Contrasting perspectives on remittances , Global Networks 14 4 : — Brekke, Torkel Religion and sex-selective abortion: a comparative study of immigrants from South Asia to Norway , Diaspora Studies 6 1 : 31— Erdal, Marta Bivand Who is the money for?

Remittances within and beyond the household in Pakistan , Asian and Pacific Migration Journal 21 4 : — Horst, Cindy A Monopoly on Assistance? PhD thesis, University of Oslo, Oslo. Oxford: Berghahn. Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan. Ezzati, Rojan Tordhol Grenser for fellesskap: Mangfold og uenigheter i lys av Oslo: Cappelen Damm Akademisk 47— New York: Berghahn Books — Cambridge, United Kingdom: Intersentia Ltd.

Erdal, Marta Bivand Pakistani diaspora communities in Norway: Part of a transnational social field for how long? Lahore: Lahore School of Economics — Cheltenham: Edward Elgar — Abingdon: Routledge 39— Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan — Oslo: Cappelen Damm — Erdal, Marta Bivand Innenfra, utenfra og tredjeposisjoner? Refleksiv posisjonalitet i forskning blant katolikker i Norge [Insider, outsider or third positions? Kristiansand: Portal. Geneva: International Organization for Migration 25— Cham, Switzerland: Springer International Publishing — London: Routledge — Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan 90— Basingstoke: Palgrave — Abingdon: Routledge 44— Sagmo, Tove Heggli The role of social capital in post-conflict business development: perspectives from returning migrants in Burundi , in Africa's Return Migrants: the New Developers?

London: Zed Books — Basingstoke: Palgrave 18—

Cape Verdean Immigrants in America: The Socialization of Young Men in an Urban Environment Cape Verdean Immigrants in America: The Socialization of Young Men in an Urban Environment
Cape Verdean Immigrants in America: The Socialization of Young Men in an Urban Environment Cape Verdean Immigrants in America: The Socialization of Young Men in an Urban Environment
Cape Verdean Immigrants in America: The Socialization of Young Men in an Urban Environment Cape Verdean Immigrants in America: The Socialization of Young Men in an Urban Environment
Cape Verdean Immigrants in America: The Socialization of Young Men in an Urban Environment Cape Verdean Immigrants in America: The Socialization of Young Men in an Urban Environment
Cape Verdean Immigrants in America: The Socialization of Young Men in an Urban Environment Cape Verdean Immigrants in America: The Socialization of Young Men in an Urban Environment
Cape Verdean Immigrants in America: The Socialization of Young Men in an Urban Environment Cape Verdean Immigrants in America: The Socialization of Young Men in an Urban Environment

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